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CHAPTER II
SOCIO- CULTURAL IDENTITY
2.1. INTRODUCTION
“Culture consists of the values of the members of a given group hold, the norms
they follow and the material goods they create. Culture refers to the whole way
of life of the members of a society. It includes art, literature, music,
painting, way of dressing, marriage customs, family life, patterns of work,
religious ceremonies and leisure pursuits.” (Giddens, 1991, 31). “Culture can in
fact be said to represent a people’s total way of life.” (Goodie, 1988, 63).
The Knanaya Community, though small in size, outshines the horizons of Kerala
history and culture especially of the Kerala church through their unique mode of
living. I have tried to make an in-depth study into the cultural and social
existence of this community in this chapter, though I have not gone to the whole
details. The chapter is divided into three parts, namely, life style, cultural
anthropology and social anthropology. The first concentrates mainly on their way
of living. The second part deals with the customs, both marital and non-marital.
The third part attempts to situate the community in the sociosphere.
2.2: LIFE STYLE
2.2.1: PLACE OF SETTLEMENT
Those Syrian Christians who came from Southern Mesopotamia inhabited at
Kodungalloor first. Later they shifted their residences to Udayamperoor,
Kaduthuruthy, Kottayam, Kallissery, Chunkom and so on (Perumalil, 1983, XI).
Later on, because of the shortage of land for agricultural purposes many of them
migrated to High-ranges and Malabar. There are more than 40,000 Knanites, both
Catholics and Jacobites together in the Malabar area (MACKIL, 1997, 48). Today,
they are all over the world. They are found plenty in number in the cities like
Bombay, Bangalore, Pune, Delhi, Madras etc. We find Knanites in Germany, Great
Britain, Italy, Austria, Australia, Switzerland, South Africa, Gulf countries
and so on. There are around 1750 Knanaya families consisting of 8000 members in
the United States of America (Apna Des, August 1, 1999, 16, based on
K.C.C.N.A. Directory, 1999).
2.2.2: LANGUAGE
The language the Knanities used as their mother tongue was Syriac at the time of
their arrival (VELLIAN, 1991, 22). Later they accepted Tamil and Malayalam as
their mother tongue, which were prevalent here. However East Syriac continued as
the liturgical language of the Knanaya Catholics till 1962 while the Jacobite
counterpart still continues West Syriac as their liturgical language.
2.2.3: PATTERN OF WORK
The Knanites were merchants originally. But later they turned to agriculture,
being a hard working people. The Malabar immigration is a best example for their
agricultural thirst (Polackal, 1976, 48). However today we do not find any
strict division of labor among the members. They engage in all sorts of work.
Still, thanks to the efforts of the community itself many of them have got high
level of education and are employed in higher positions.
2.2.4: STYLE OF DRESSING
In the past, we could easily distinguish a Knanite, especially the female, from
his/her dressing. An ordinary male knanite used to wear a “doti,” an underwear
called “kaupeenam” and a towel on their shoulders. The same towel was used as a
turban. The peculiarity of this turban is that it did not cover the upper part
of the head instead it was a round around the head just above the ears. Both
ends (tails) of the towel stood straight above the ears. (Vellian and Vembeni,
1991, 79). “Even if they had to appear before a court, they were not bound to
untie it,” said an elderly man.
The females wore a special kind of doti, one end of which was being folded at
the back so as to cover the buttocks (Vellian and Choondal, 1995, 20). The upper
part was covered by a dress called “panichatta” (Pullappally, 1986, 3). The head
was covered by a veil or net (?). The diameter of the ear ring (?) was much
less when compared to that of the other Christians. They kept their hair tied in
a special way, which was called “manikkettu,” (Vellian and Vembeni, 1996, 207),
in which we do not see the end of the hair. The “tali,” - the symbol of marriage
in India - they wear is a thin one having a cross on it made of 21 small balls.
21 is the result of the multiplication of 3 and 7 Three refers to Trinity and
seven to seven sacraments (Pullappally, 1986, 3).
2.2.5: FOOD HABITS
Rise and tapioca occupied prime importance in their food items. We do not find
any particular food habits among them as we find among the Brahmins. However,
they have certain special food items or sweets of their own. Venpalchor “Pidi”
and chicken, acchappam, Cheeppappam, Avalosunta, Pani, etc., are some of them. (Pullappally,
1986, 7).
They had the practice of having food from the same plantain leaf. (It is a
historical event that during ecumenical discussion at the time of Mar Alexander
Chulaparambil, one catholic and one Jacobite Knanites each ate from one leaf (Pullappally,
1986, 7)). It is a sign of friendship and equality.
Another aspect of their food habit is that they always fold down the left side
of the leaf. There is a legend behind this practice. In the ancient times the
kings and the royal members only had the right to eat on two leaves, one putting
over the other. Knaithomman and his followers also had this privilege. Being
jealous over this, once, certain members of the nobility put only one leaf to
Knaithomma, when the king was absent. But Knaithomma was very intelligent. He
folded the leaf on one part and used it as two. This is legend behind the
Knanites’ folding of the leaf.
There is an accusation against the Knanites that they are more addicted to
drinks than the other people. Alcoholic drinks are not at all good and it is a
practice that should be avoided. However, we may be able to give some
explanations to this accusation. First of all, they are a hard working people
and after the hazardous work of the day, they allow themselves to engage in
these activities. Secondly, they are more energetic and joyous people
(Kunnacherry, Aug. 1999, 1). They use these drinks more on festive occasions
such as marriage, baptism, other religious feasts, etc, which are really times
of enjoyment. We may find a geographical explanation as well. They have come
from Southern Mesopotamia, where wine was a usual drink. When they came here in
Kerala where there is no wine, they sought its parallel in toddy and arrack,
which they made at their homes. Such a thirst must be an inborn tendency within
them from their very homeland. All these serve not as a justification but only
as some explanations.
2.2.6: RELIGIOUS BELIEF
The traditions as well as the native and European writers have testified that
these immigrants were Christians. We do not find anyone arguing contrary to
this, though some relate it with Manichaeism. But we do not have any traits of
it in their liturgy or the like. The whole Knanites were continuing the Catholic
faith till 1653 (Chazhikkattu, 1961, 271). This is evident from the fact of
Coonan Cross Oath in which a group protested against the hierarchy. Only if they
were in the Church, they should and could have made protest. However, during the
Coonan Cross Tragedy a minority group including some Knanites went a way from
the Catholic Communion and later accepted Jacobite faith in 1665 (Polackal,
1976, 22). Today we find two faiths in the community those who accepted the
Jacobite faith and those who continue in the Catholic tradition. In the Catholic
group itself one group follows the Syro-Malabar Rite and the other, the
Syro-Malankara Rite.
2.2.7: SOCIAL STATUS
The Knanites claim to be in the tribe of Judah, in the lineage of David
(Kollaparambil, 1992, 128). With this background they were called Rajamakkal
(sons of Kings) (Ayyer, 1991, 32). They were received as part of nobility.
Knaithomman himself was called “Co-cherakon Knaithomman,” which means the
minister of Cheraman Perumal (Vellian and Vembeni, 1991, 32).
They were considered as equal to the high caste people, and were granted 72
privileges. By these privileges they had dominance over 17 castes. These castes
were Poothanar, Panan, Vittan, Thachan (carpenter), Ksurakan (barber),
Eravekollan, Thungan, Veiruttiyan, four types of chetties, manigramathachan,
Ezhavar, Kammalan, Mammodisan and Oravalan (Vellian and Vembeni, 1991, 32). This
is made clear by a request of the barber before the shaving ceremony. “I ask
(permission) to all persons who have domination (predominance/who are)
above/over seventeen castes.” (Vellian and Vembeni, 1996, 202).
Six means of travel are allowed to them. Palanquin, Amburi, (A special kind of
cart or cage over the elephant), Aintholam (a special kind of palanquin),
Thookkumanjam (a special kind of swing coat), Elephant and horse (Vellian, 1991,
31). These were the means of travel exclusively for the kings.
There is the mention of different dresses to wear and the ornaments to use (20
in number), eleven musical instruments to play, ten decoration goods, and seven
prescriptions on house building. Thus altogether there are seventy-two
privileges. But according to the Panan Pattu there are seventy-two and a half
privileges. (Lukas, 1996, 221). Along with the aforesaid 72 privileges folding
the plantain leaf was to be treated as a half privilege. It is said in the 118th
and 119th lines of Pananpattukal. (Lukas, 1991, 220).
The Knanites had the right to study and had an influential amount of money.
There was a minister from the Kunnacherry family for the Vadakkumkoor dynasty. A
sword made of silver is kept at the Kottayam bishop’s house, which is supposed
to be of this minister (Edamaruk, 1961, 52, 54). On Church matters also they had
high influence. It is believed that they had brought bishops from their homeland
to serve them as well as the others (Menachery, 1987, 66). Thus they had kept a
high social status both among the Christians and among the native people.
2.3: CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
The customs make a community alive and active. It also serves as unifying link
between the members of that community. It arises the community feeling of the
members. Customs are not simply an insertion of particular individuals, but are
transmitted from generation to generation. It is handed down by participation
and observance. In this long process there can be many additions or even
omissions or missing. Sometimes the total intended meaning may have changed.
Still they serve as revealing a community’s history, identity and culture. The
Knanites have got a lot of customs. These customs can be divided mainly into
two, 1. Non-marital, i.e., customs other than marital customs and the other, 2.
Marital customs, i.e., customs related to the marriage.
2.3.1: NON-MARITAL CUSTOMS
2.3.1.1: Customs of the Early Childhood
Soon after the birth of a child the grand mother or someone of that rank pastes
the mixture of gold, honey, acoras, calamus (?) and the like on the tongue of
the child. This is done in order to get the child the color of gold, sweet
tongue, good intelligence and so on. This is a practice found among the
“Namboothiries” of Kerala as well. The baptism of the child was held on the 9th
day after the birth. However, there is no prescribed date for baptism today.
2.3.1.2: Blessing at the Time of Death
When one is almost sure to say goodbye to the world, he calls his children and
blesses them at the bed. The recipients kneel down before him and he puts his
both hands over the recipients’ head and utters. “The blessing that god gave to
Abraham, Abraham to Isaac, Isaac to Jacob, Jacob to my fore fathers, The
blessing that I got from my father, My son (daughter) I gave to you.” (Pullappally,
1986, 6). This holy and inspiring blessing is given in remembrance of the
Patriarchs, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. The recognition and faith in the
succession of the blessing is worth noting.
2:3:1:3: Embrace after the Burial.
After the burial ceremony, the members of the dead person’s family stand at a
row in the church. All the other persons come and embrace (?) these sorrowed
persons (Vellian and Vembeni, 1991, 85A). We find a similar embrace at the time
of their departure from Mesopotamia. (Innu Nee Njangale, lines 18-20, Lukas,
1996, 8).
We are familiar with kissing and embrace of new priests by other priests just
after the ordination. It is a symbol of welcoming them into the communion of
priests and is also and assurance of their help in their needs. The same idea is
expressed by the embrace of the Knanites. It is an assurance of the unity of the
community and there by the sharing of sorrow by all. It is a way of expressing
their sincere condolence too.
Usually a special ceremony called mantra (?) is done just after this (Vellian
and Vembeni, 1991, 85A). On this occasion the children of the dead drinks from
the same tender coconut. This is a promise that they put before the community
that they will keep up their love and unity even if their father (mother) is
dead.
2.3.1.4: Margamkali
Margamkali is a Syrian Christian art which is very ancient. This is made sure by
a report of Fr. Antonio de Gouvea, secretary to Archbishop Dom Menezis. Gouvea
(1607,87) the secretary to Archbishop Menezis has reported explicitly about a
public reception accorded to the archbishop at Ankamali in which Christian male
performers participated to entertain the Archbishop who arrived after a day’s
prolonged journey. (Choondal, 1986, 7).
From his description of the salient features of it, we are made sure that it is
Margamkali. It is a male round dance consisting of 12 people. At the centre of
this round an oil lamp is placed which denotes Christ with his twelve apostles.
There is a traditional text for this in 14 strophies having 450 lines (Choodal,
1986, 2). This song is an elaboration of the activities and martyrdom of St.
Thomas in Malabar (Vellian and Choondal, 1995, 411).
It has got Close affinity with the Acts of the Apostle St. Thomas, an
apocryphal book by Bardaisan in the third century. We do not know who the
originator of Margamkali is. However, Anjilimoottil Ittithomman Kathanar is
supposed to be the re-invigorator and reformer of it (Vellian and Choondal,
1995, 19). Mr. P.U. Lukas has collected these songs in the Purathanappattukal.
There after, many others have reproduced it. Hadusa, an institute for Christian
performing Arts, is established to popularize Margamkali, and it has done a
great work in that direction. Thanks to the efforts of Hadusa this play is
included in the school youth festival and at the college level. It seems females
play better than the males.
We do not know weather Knanites are the originators of this play. Still it is a
fact that they alone preserved it during the past centuries, and they performed
it on festive occasions, especially during the time of marriage. Later many
other songs also were added to the original test, though many of them are not in
concomitance with the subject matter of the original test.
2.3.2: MARITAL CUSTOMS
In a sense Knanaya marriage forms the main source of its customs. We see a lot
of customs associated with their marriage. The customs makes the marriage a
thrilling experience in the eyes of the spectators and an everlasting memoir in
the minds of the couples themselves. It makes them dignified. Again it testifies
to the unity and cultural identity of the community. Around 31 persons get
different roles to act in the Knanaya marriage which makes an identification and
assertion of those people’s identity and individuality. It gives a psychological
satisfaction to their need of ‘to be esteemed.”(Vellian and Vembeni, 1996, 198).
Another important aspect is that the aged persons are well treated in these
functions. So also these customs give a high regard for the females which is a
sure step in the assertion of high status or dignity to the depressed sex. We
have to bear in mind that these customs existed from centuries back, when lower
caste women were not even allowed to cover their upper part.
The present Knanaya marriage has lost much of its ancient grandeur and royalty.
In the ancient times the marriage ceremony was a four day programme, like that
of the ancient Jews (Pullappally, 1986, 6). However, with the passage of time as
man became more and more time conscious and busy, the time of the ceremony is
reduced. Today it is done as a two day programme, one overnight and the
following day. So also the practice of procession in which the couples were on
elephant ride has become a past memoir (Pullappally, 1986, 4). Likewise the use
of Panchavadyam (a type of music with five instruments) in the procession also
is almost disappeared.
We find some splendors of hope still, when we know that many of the members
insists on the customs without any adulteration. Thus many of the practices are
retained without being lost in the flow of time. Knanites originally belong to
the Jews. But their doctrine comes from or they believe in Christianity, and
they live in India among the Hindus. All these, namely, Jewish, Christian and
Indian traditions have influenced in the forming up of their customs. In other
terms, these three forms are at work on their customs.
2:3:2:1: Engagement
Engagement is the fixing up of marriage, betrothal, the dowry and the like. This
is done at the bride’s house. In the ancient times only the elders decided the
marriage and the boy or give used to meet each other only at the time of
betrothal or marriage (Lukas, 1996, 203). However this situation is changed
today. Almost all marriages are conducted only with the assent of boy and girl.
2.3.2.2: Betrothal
Betrothal is an expression of the free wills of the couples before the church to
enter into marriage. Both the couples shake hands before the holy altar as a
symbol of their agreement. One paternal uncle forms each side stand as witnesses
to this and holds hands before the people. This practice does exist only among
the Knanites (Vellian and Vembeni, 1991, 70), whereby the uncles participate in
the responsibility of getting their brother’s child married. They assure that
the marriage will be conducted on a particular date in a particular manner. This
is also an expression of the new relation that is to be originated not between
two persons alone but also of two families (Vellian and Vembeni, 1991, 70).
Usually, the betrothal is conducted at the parish church of the bride and the
meals at home. The maternal uncle of the girl erects the first post of the barn.
Usually, it is a pole of the jack fruit tree, which has got two significances.
The first is that it is very strong. This signifies that the marriage relation
must be strong like the pole of the barn. The other significance of the jack
tree is that it emits sap. According to the astrologers sap or latex denotes
prosperity. That means this marriage should bring prosperity. Before the meals,
the maternal uncle of the female gives water to his counterpart of the boy’s
side to wash his hand (Plakkoottathil, 1997, 120).
2.3.2.3 Dowry
The practice of dowry is prevalent among the Knanites though they call it with a
pet name "father’s gift" or "fathers share."(Vellian, and Vembeni, 1996, 200).
Just after the betrothal meals a fixed amount of rupees is handed over to the
paternal uncle of the boy by the paternal uncle of the girl (Plakkoottathil,
1997, 120). It is associated with a small prayer and in the presence of a
lighted lamp.
2.3.2.4 Purchase of Dresses and Ornaments (Charackeduckal)
On the very day of betrothal or on an adjacent day, both the parties together
purchase the dress and ornaments for the marriage. It includes “Mantrakodi” (the
sari of the bride), the dress to the boy and dresses as gifts to various
functionaries. The boy’s dress is paid by the girl’s party and vice versa.
2.3.2.5 “Antam Charth” (Beautifying or Cleaning Bridegroom)
An aspect of cleaning or purification is found in every religion. It includes
both physical and psychic cleaning. This point is evident in the sacrament of
reconciliation and in the pouring of water at the time of baptism in the
Christian tradition. The Hindus take both or bathe before they perform any
important religious act. So also the Muslims take bath or at least wash their
hands, legs, face, and ears before they pray or enter a mosque. Such an attitude
of cleaning is found in the Knanaya practice of Antam-charth (Pullappally, 1986,
2)
Antam-charth is a Malayalam word derived from Chantam-charth which means
beautifying or modifying (Pullappally, 1986, 2). In the ancient days there was
the practice of early marriage and the first shaving was done in connection with
the marriage (Vellian and Vembeni 1969, 200). This practice has later developed
into the custom of Antam-charth.
On the previous day of the marriage a specially designed platform is prepared in
the barn by the sister of the bridegroom and she places a long roded oil lamp
near by (Plakkoottathil, 1997, 120). The brother-in-law of the boy brings him to
the platform. The ceremony begins with a short prayer. The community sings the
opening prayer song “Marthoman Nanmayalonnu...” (Lukas, 1996, 1). After the
song, the barber approaches the boy and asks to the audience, “Pathinezhu
Parishacku Melulla Malorodu Chodickunnu, Manavala Chekkanu Antam Charthatte?”
This means: “I ask (permission) to those who have dominance over seventeen
castes, may I shave the bridegroom?” (Pullappally, 1986, 2). He utters the same
question three times, and only to the third question the audience gives their
assent. This is to ensure that the whole community has heard the question and no
one is left unheard. While the barber shaves, the community sings the
“Antam-charth song” beginning with “Maraniso Pathaviyile” (Lukas, 1996, 4).
After the shaving and bath he returns to the platform wearing while dress. All
the time the audience continues singing.
2.3.2.6: Mayilanchi Iteel (Smearing of Henna)
This is a custom that takes place at the bride’s house instead of the
“Antam-charth” ceremony at the bridegroom’s house. The bride comes to the barn
accompanied with the elder sister and sits on a platform covered with white
dress (Pullappally, 1986, 2). A lighted lamp is placed in front of her. After
the prayer song “Marthoman”, the audience starts the “Mayilanchippattu” (Lukas,
1986, 2).
The first strophe of the song describes the creation of Adam and the second one,
of Eve. The third contains the life style of the first spouses in the
paradise. The fourth deals with the sin of man and the need of smearing with
henna (Vellian and Vembeni, 1996, 203-204). (Lukas, 1996, 3, Strophe IV, lines
13-19).
The paternal grandmother or the equivalent is the person to perform it. She
smears it on the hands and legs. Eve pluck the fruits with the hands and went
there with the legs. This is the reason why they cover hands and legs with
henna. It is a symbol of washing out all stains of sins from the bride, before
entering a new life. Henna has another sense also as a cosmetic.
2.3.2.7: Ichappadu Kodukkal
This practice is done at both houses of the bride and the bridegroom just after
“Mayilanchi Iteel” or “Antam-charth” respectively. The paternal uncle comes to
the girl/boy wearing the turban (see 2.2.4) and asks to the audience three
times, “Shall I give Ichappadu to the bride/bridegroom (manavattipennu /
manavalanchekkan)?? With the assent of the community, he gives “Ichappadu”
(Vellian and Vembeni, 1991, 70). Before giving it, he unties the turban. He
gives “Ichappadu” with the right hand while the left hand supports the right
hand elbow, i.e., the right hand elbow is caught by the left hand (Plakkoottathil,
1997, 121). Before doing so, he washes his hands as well as the mouth of the boy
/ girl. Sometimes, two or more of the same rank persons repeats the same but
they need not ask permission. Ichappadu is a specially designed food, a kind of
rise called Venpalchor, mixed with molasses (Vellian and Vembeni, 1991, 70). The
paternal uncle’s wife (aunt) prepares Venpalchor. The elder people’s
responsibility of fostering the girl / boy till the marriage and afterwards is
shown symbolically by the “Ichappadu” ceremony.
2.3.2.8 Receiving Tali
Goldsmith brings tali on a betel leaf which is placed in a plate filled with
rise. He gives it to the bridegroom’s sister and she gives many gifts to him in
return (Pullappally, 1986, 2). Knanaya tali is in the shape of a banyan leaf
which in its turn resembles heart which is the eternal and universal symbol of
love. In addition, the banyan tree is sacred for the Hindus. The cross on the
“tali” is made with 21 small balls. This 21 is the result of the multiplication
of three with seven, i.e., three persons of the trinity and seven sacraments (Pullappilli,
1986, 2). So also the threads for tali are taken from the “Mantrakodi.” Seven
pieces of threads are taken and they are folded into three. These three and
seven have the above said significance.
2.3.2.9: Requesting Blessing (Sthuthi Chollal)
Bride and bridegroom are ready to move to the church from their respective
houses. After a short prayer before the lighted lamp, the girl/boy receives
blessing from the elders starting from the eldest. By doing such an action i.e.,
bowing down their heads before the elders signifies their allegiance to them.
For a good, happy married life, their blessing is a must. We find such a scene
in genesis (C.24: 60-61). Bethuel and Laban bless Rebecca, their daughter and
sister respectively, while going with the servant of Abraham to Mary Isaac.
We find three traditions of marriage. In the Roman culture there is Veiling,
i.e., placing “Mantrakodi” on the head. It is called nuptio. In the Greek
tradition, there is crowning which is called stephanoma. In the Indian tradition
it is tying up of tali. However, we find all these three elements in the Knanaya
marriage (Pullappalli, 1986, 3)
2.3.2.10 Tying of Tali
The bridegroom lays tali on the neck of the bride. This kind of knot is known as
male knot (Ankettu). Tali is of immortal value to the couples. Tali is Hindu
practice, but we have Christianized it with engraving a cross on it (Vellian and
Vembeni, 1991, 72). In the earlier times both the couples were on kneels at the
time of the tying of tali.
2.3.2.11. Veiling
Veiling is a Roman practice and the Syrian Christians have adopted it (Pullappalli,
1986, 3). The bridegroom places the “Mantrakodi” on the head of the bride like a
net. In the earlier times it was the priest who gave “Mantrakodi” to the bride
who sits on her knees. He was placing it on her bosom. (Lukas, 1996, 5, lines 2
and 3).
2.3.2.12 Crowning
The Jews and the Greeks had the practice of crowning during marriage. The
Knanaya couples were also crowned with Ventanmuti (?) (Plakkoottathil, 1997,
122). The original in supposed to be the crown that has given to Knaithomma by
Cheraman Perumal. It is kept in the Chunkom church. (Lukas, 1996, 10, last
line). However this practice does not exist today.
2.3.2.13 Barumariyam
Barumariyam is a Syriac song sung by the priests just after the Qurbana followed
by the Knanaya marriage (Vellian and Vembeni, 1991, 73). The priests pray for
the new couples to Jesus, the son of Mary and bless them in the name of Jesus.
Barumariyam in Syriac means son of Mary, i.e., Jesus. The same song is sung by
the Chaldeans on the important feasts like Easter, Christmas, etc, (Pullappalli,
1986, 4).
2.3.2.14: Gifts to the Priests
The couples go to the priests and offer betel leaves and other gifts and ask
their blessings. The parish priest officially welcomes them to the union of his
parish and offers the community’s prayers and blessings.
2.3.2.15: Procession to the House (Barn)
After the marriage, the participants move to the house or barn as a procession.
In the earlier times, the couples were carried on elephant (Pullappally, 1986,
4). Panchavadyam (an orchestra with five musical instruments), Kurava (a
musical sound produced with mouth, especially by the females), Thazhakkuda (a
kind of umbrella) natavili, etc., adds novelty to the procession (Vellian and
Vembeni, 1991, 73).
Natavili is a very interesting custom. Placing the boy and girl at the centre,
the maternal uncle of the girl starts natavili. It is a rhythmic shouting of
words without releasing the breath (Nata natayo ... Nata, nata, nata.). One
natavili includes repeating this line three times. There will be one or three or
five natavilies, and if there is more than one, the first one is done at the
yard of the church, the last one near the barn and the others in between. After
the last natavili, the boy and girl are being carried on the hands by the
maternal uncles. (Lukas, 1996, 11, lines 3-7).
2.3.2.16: Nellum Neerum Vakkal
When the procession reaches the house, the boy’s mother and sister cordially
welcomes them. The sister carries a long roded oil lamp in the one hand, and in
the other, a plate having rice, water and tender coconut leaf (of the Hosanna
Sunday) (Plakkoottathil, 1997, 123). The mother makes the sign of the cross
three times on the couple’s forehead with the coconut leaf, dipped in water (Pullappally,
1986, 4). Rice signifies to posterity and prosperity, water to cleanliness and
tender coconut leaf to holiness.
2.3.2.17: Manarkolam (Stage or Platform)
The couples are seated on Manarkolam. It is an Indianised form of Huppah of the
Jews (Pullappally, 1986, 4). This is prepared by laying out a coarse woolen
blanket and a white dress over it. Woolen blanket signifies to the hardships,
temptations and challenges of life while white refers to holiness. This reminds
the couples to face challenges and temptations with holiness.
2.3.2.18 Lightening the lamp
This practice is of a recent origin. The couples together lights the lamp. It
is a symbol of the formal inauguration of the family. Again it is the symbol of
Christ’s presence with them.
2.3.12.19: Vazhu Pititham
The bride’s mother or mother’s elder sister asks permission three times and with
the assent of the audience, does Vazhupititham. She places her right hand over
the head of the boy and the left hand over the girl (as in the case of Jacob’s
blessing to Joseph’s sons) and blesses them. At this time the audience sings the
Vazhuppattu and the mother continues her posture till the end of the song. The
song is also an advice to the couples. The same song is sung by the Jews of
Cochin with slight differences (Jussay, 1986, 5).
2.3.2.20: Giving milk and Plantain
Bridegroom’s sister comes with a kindi (a metal water-pot) and a spittoon and
washes their mouth. Then she gives them milk in one glass (Vellian and Vembeni,
1996, 215). “No more they shall be two but one.” She gives them plantain and
other sweets. The Jewish couples had the practice of drinking vine from the same
glass and after drinking, they break the glass (Pullappally, 1986, 5). This
custom also has got its song. (Lukas, 1996, 13).
2.3.2.21 Kachathazhukal
Kacha means cloth. It is a gift offered to the mother, maternal grand mother and
uncle by the boy’s party for their blessing at the barn (Plakkoottathil, 1997,
124). Maternal uncle asks permission to the audience, having the turban on his
head. He performs Kachathazhukal with the assent of the audience. He places the
“kacha” on both the hands of the bridegroom and touches the thigh of the boy
with both hands and brings the hands to his own chest. He repeats the same three
times and then repeats the whole at the bride. This cloth owes to him. Mother
and grandmother repeat the same, but they need not ask permission. This practice
is an assurance that they will be always in support of them.
In the book of Genesis also we find such an action. When Abraham’s servant was
sent to find a wife for his son Isaac from his own people, he makes an oath
before him touching on his thigh (24, 1-9). In the departure song of “Innu Nee
Njangale”, we read, …. (Lukas, 1996, 8, lines 5,6).
2.3.2.22: Panan Pattu
Panans are a special cast. Their duty is to sing songs based on epics and so on,
on festive occasions and also at durbars. There was the practice of Pananpattu
during the Knanaya marriage. The song that they sing at Knanaya weddings is
about Knaithomma(Stephen, 1997, 59) and they sing this at any Christian house
whether of the Southerners or of the Northerners, since they do not know of such
a distinction. It shows that Knaithomma had much influence on the Christians and
that is why the song about him was welcomed in all Christian houses.
2.3.2.23: Meals
The traditional meals were served on plantain leaves which included many
dishes. At first “pachor” and molasses is served. It was followed by “kallappam”
(bread made using toddy) and beef. The third dish is modern bread and chicken
which is to be followed by rice with many curies. After this, plantain and
“pani” is served. “Pani” is a special, sweetly and watery type of molasses.
The boy’s maternal uncle gives water to the girl’s maternal uncle to wash his
hands which is just opposite to the betrothal. A special piece of decorated
chicken is given to the maternal uncle, and it will be passed to everyone during
the meals. Each takes a small portion of it. Thus the whole community eats from
one single plate which is a sign of their unity.
2.3.2.24: Entrusting the Daughter
After the meals, the girls parents, especially the mother, hands over the
daughter to the new mother, the mother in-law. At that time she gives her final
instructions. Then the mother-in-law takes her to the house placing her right
foot first. This scene is the most heart-felt occasion. Though the parents of
the daughter feel a sense of satisfaction having done their responsibility, they
weep in their hearts that they have lost their daughter who was an exclusive
possession of them till that moment.
2.3.2.25: Vazhippokla
Vazhippokla is a gift given to the maternal uncle of the bride before they leave
the house. It includes tobacco, betel leaf, etc. However this practice has
slowly degenerated into giving alcoholic drinks. It is not at all to the spirit
of the customs.
2.3.2.26. Atachuthura
Atachuthura is the last of the customs associated with the marriage. The third
day of the marriage, brides mother comes to the house of the bridegroom with
many sweets and sends the couples to the bridal chamber (Pullappally, 1986, 6).
Then the mother and others sing the “Atachuthurappattu.” It is a description of
the gifts she is to offer to them. “...” (Lukas, 1996, 14). After the song, the
couples come out of the room and are sent for bath. They come back wearing new
dress and have their meals.
2.3.2.27 An Attitude of Sharing
Sharing is the essence of marriage. In all marriages we see this. Marriage is
the sharing of love and life of the partners to each other. Sharing of meals and
ideas during marriage also is important. The exchange of payment of the dresses
of boy and girl is also remarkable. The close relatives and friends offer gifts
such as gold, cash, etc. The maternal uncle usually gives a golden ring. The
uncles and aunts also share according to their ability. All these sharing
alleviate the burden on the father. In the ancient times there was the practice
of lending money without interest for marriage purposes, if the family is
financially weak (Lukas, 1996, 215).
2.3.2.28: Endogamy
Endogamy is the most important custom related to the Knanaya marriage. “Endogamy
is a requirement that society members seek marriage partners within a socially
defined group.” (Magill (ed.), 1995, 638). Thus the practice of endogamy does
not allow its members to have marital relations with other people. If they enter
in inter-marriage they have to leave the community. From the very arrival of
these immigrants, they continued their practice of endogamy and still they
continue. However, it seems really a wonder how they could keep up the practice
even without any formal agency to execute it. That itself is the identity and
peculiarity of the Knanites. There was a tendency in the 70’s and 80’s to have
marital relations with other people.
But we see a drastic change in the attitude of members in the 90’s. Very few
inter Knanaya marriages are done in this period when compared to that of the
previous period. The factor that created such a situation might be the
conviction that, if one enters into such a relation he as well as the whole
descendents of him will have to keep away from the community. That means though
he has a remote chance to comeback, none from his lineage can become a Knanite.
All these customs and ritual practices highlight the cultural diversity and
richness of the community.
2.4 Social Anthropology
2.4.1: Introduction
In this part we are trying to place the community in the sociosphere. This is
done by analyzing its socio-historical origin, and answering to the questions
whether it is a caste or a race. And finally we reach to the conclusion that
Knanaya community belongs to the category of ethnic community.
2.4.2. Socio-historical Origin
In the first chapter of this study we have seen pure history as such. Now we are
trying to give sociological interpretation to this history. In many records the
immigrants are addressed as “a group” of people. Terms such as “crowd,” “a
number of people” etc., are also used. But they were never formed as a society
or a community at that time, i.e., it was simply a loose group. The Catholicos’
advice to this group was, “...” (Lukas, 1996, 7). If the Catholicos should give
such an advice, they may not be one people (of course they were Jewish people)
who were united with a sense of we-feeling, which is why he advised them to go
together.
However the special privileges conferred upon this group by the kings placed
them at a higher level in the hierarchy of social status. This high position
similarity in origin, culture, tradition, background, language, religion, etc.,
separated themselves from the other peoples including the St. Thomas Christians.
The Jewish insistence on endogamy must have prompted them to keep aloof from
others. The social condition that existed here also was one of supporting such
an attitude. The people around them were divided on the basis castes and sub
castes and each kept a distance from other communities. This distance was made
broader through the practice of endogamy. All these factors finally lead to the
forming up of a society and later community, from among this initial group of
400.
2.4.3 Is Knanaya Community a Caste?
The term “caste” is originated from the Portuguese word “casta” which means
breed, race or kind. (Magill, 1995, 136). Hutton defines caste as “an endogamous
group, bearing a common name, membership of which is hereditary: imposing on its
members certain restrictions in the matter of social intercourse, either
following a common origin and generally regarding as forming a single homogenous
community.” (Fuchs, 1983, 154). Further features are given by Ghurye, such as
division of society on the basis of labor, hierarchical structure, and civil and
religious disabilities (Ghurge, 1999, 1-28). There is no possibility of change
from one caste to another.
When we analyze these features in the background of the Knanaya Community, it is
an endogamous group having a common name and hereditary membership and it is a
homogeneous community. In the ancient periods, it was also a part of the
hierarchy of castes and there was a certain amount of social untouchability in
the sense that the low-graded people were looked upon with contempt. In all
these respects, it resembles a caste. Still, we find it difficult to categorize
it in the caste system. First of all, ‘the institution of caste is a unique
feature of Hindu society.” (Bhattacharye, 1995, 1).
A caste is in the Hindu religion, and without the religion, it has no existence.
But the Knanaya community had and is having Christian faith. But the religious
belief is not an essential element of this community, in the sense that even
without religious faith, community could exist. Furthermore, there was no
restriction on food habits or social relations. They were not designed to do any
particular type of work, though originally they were merchants.
Though it had a remarkable place in the hierarchical structure, today there
exists no such hierarchical structure. In the caste system, serious punishments,
including physical penalties and expulsion, were practiced. A formal agency
called “Caste Panchayath” was in charge of such decisions. On the contrary, we
do not find any formal agency to declare punishments and to execute them in the
Knanaya Community.
In certain castes, we find certain kind of written code of law like that of
“Manu Smruthi,” and there are many reasons to punish or to expel a person from
the caste. In the case of Knanites, we do not find any written code of law and
the only reason by which one is expelled from the community is exogamous
marriage. This itself, in the strict sense, is not an expelling, but the person
himself opts to leave the community, though under the force of tradition.
From all these facts it is clear that, though the Knanaya Community had and has
many similarities with a caste, it was never been a caste. Thereby we can not
categorize it as part of the caste system, without ignoring the fact that it had
acted in the manner of a caste in the past.
2.4.4: Is Knanaya Community a Race?
The terms racial and ethnic are often used rather loosely. But they are
different. “A racial group is a socially defined group distinguished by
selected inherited physical characteristics." (Eshleman ed., 1988, 268). “The
social definition of race is based on some combination of certain inherited
physical traits. The criteria for labeling the various races are based
essentially on physical characteristics of size, the shape of the head, eyes,
ears, lips and nose, and the color of skin and eyes? (Scott, 1997, 328). Thus
the term race denotes a physical or biological differentiation rather than a
social one. Similarity of physical traits is the distinguishing factors of a
race. Hence the Dravidians, the Mongolians, the Blacks, the Whites, etc., form
different racial groups. However, Jews are not considered as a race(Goodie,
19988, 269). They are more closely an ethnic group, because they have different
skin colors, shapes and the like. So also we do not find close similarity among
the physical appearance of the Knanites, Hence Knanites do not come under the
category of racial group.
2.4.5: Ethnic Community
We have seen that Knanaya Community does not belong to the categories of caste
or race. Then where can we place Knanaya Community? It seems that the apt word
to describe the Knanaya group is ethnic community. The term ethnic comes from
the Greek word “ethnos“ which means “people?” “Ethnic group is a group of people
with characteristics in common that distinguish them from most other people of
the same society. Members may have ties of ancestry, culture, language,
nationality, race, or religion or a combination of these things.” (World Book
Encyclopedia vol.4, 1989, 1198). The most important factor is their feelings of
identification as a traditionally distinct group (Scott, 1997, 135). The
defining character of ethnicity is a sense of peoplehood or consciousness of
kind (Eshleman et. al., 1988, 269).
An ethnic group shares common racial, cultural, religious and linguistic
characteristics and is differentiated within a larger society. The term
community comes from coming into union. A sense of oneness - unity “is present
here.” “Community is a group of people who share similar beliefs and customs,
and who may live in the same area. They are linked by emotional bonds and a
sense of belonging? (World book Encyclopedia Vol. 4, 1989, 900).
The second meaning given by Scott in the Dictionary of sociology, however does
not include a territorial area to the community (Scott, 1997, 64). This idea is
shared also by the World Book Encyclopedia which comments, “Members of modern
community may not live in the same place. Instead, people from different areas
may form a community on the basis of ethnic or racial origin (Vol. 4, 1989,
900).
Ethnicity and community, shares almost the same meaning. However, we may be able
to note a slight deference in the sense that ethnicity in based on more on
culture, customs, language and so on which are more external whereas a community
gives priority to the aspects of unity, oneness, etc, which are more internal or
mental. In the Knanaya community, we find the characteristics of both ethnicity
and community though the boarder seems too narrower. Hence we can term this
group as Knanaya ethnic community.
Many people think that ethnicity is something bad and evil and hence to be
condemned. But, in fact, ethnicity is very valuable and something of great
worth. This is made clear from the message of the SECAM Bishops to the churches
of Africa, “Ethnicity in itself does not connate a negative attitude. On the
contrary, ethnicity indicates a gift of God which makes us different from the
other for our mutual enrichment. It is God who makes each one what one is.
Ethnicity gives us our social and cultural identity us well as our security. The
individual finds his roots and values in his ethnic group.” (Ganaka, 1997, 63).
Ethnicity entails a “we-they” relationship and it tries to assert the identity
which is a powerful sign of ethnicity.
What people think as wrong is ethnocentrism. “Ethnocentrism is judging other
culture by comparison with one’s own.” (Giddens, 1991, 56). Sumner, who has
introduced this term defines it as “that view of things in which ones own group
is the centre of everything and all others are scaled and rated with reference
to it.” (1906,13). The natural tendency of man is to believe that his culture
alone is the perfect one and hence he sees all other cultures as inferior ones.
Such an attitude is really unhealthy and should not be entertained.
2.5 Conclusion
We were going through the cultural and social varieties of the Knanaya
community. In the first part, we saw the life style of the members. Many things
described here have disappeared in the flux of time and modernity and some are
on the verge of disappearance. However, that part helps us to understand the
people’s way of living, dressings, food habits, religious beliefs, etc.
The second part was a description of the cultural diversity of the community.
Knanaya customs include both marital and non-marital ones. We find the
influences of Jewish Christian and Indian traditions in their customs. So also
much of those customs stem from the 72 privileges granted to Knai Thomman by
Cheraman Perumal. Almost all there customs are very rich in symbolic value and
hence must be studied carefully and be preserved. However, certain costumes such
as dowry should be eliminated.
The third part was an attempt to situate the community in the sociosphere. We
saw its socio-historical origin and answered to the questions whether it is a
caste or race. Both these terms can not comprehend the Knanaya community in its
fullness and hence we reached to the term ethnic community which clearly
projects almost all aspects of the community more perfectly. Distinction between
ethnicity and ethnocentrism also is very important. Ethnicity is a gift of god
which helps one to assert one’s individuality and personality where as
ethnocentrism is an attitude whereby the person believes that his culture alone
is good and all the other cultures are to be destroyed. What made Hitler to kill
lakhs of Jews was such an attitude which can not be preserved or even tolerated
in this post modern age.
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