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CHAPTER 1
HISTORICAL IDENTITY
1:1 INTRODUCTION
The existence of any community is closely associated with its history. In fact,
history is that which gives authenticity to the existence of any person,
community or society. Hence it is very important to pay attention to the study
of history in any scientific study. A brief historical inquiry into the
existence of the Knanaya Community is done in this chapter. Knanaites consider
themselves as having a long history of sixteen and a half centuries. This
chapter mainly deals with four topics, namely, the ancient records, tradition,
modern European writers and native writings. An analysis of the contents of
these topics is done at the end.
1:2 ANCIENT RECORDED HISTORY
History is the record of past events. Though the Knanaites consider themselves
as having a lengthy history of more than sixteen centuries. We have no real
written records of their existence prior to the 16th cent. This questions the
very existence of them before the 16th cent. However, this problem may be solved
if we understand the common traits of early Indians, especially the Keralites.
Actually, they showed no care in making or preserving historical data (Menachery
and Chakkalakal, 1987, 27). An added reason is that even if there were any
records for the Syrian Christians, they were burned during the Synod of Diamper
in 1599 by the order of Archbishop Dom Menezis (Cathanar, 1989, 470).
The only ancient record prior to the 16th century which may throw light upon the
existence of the Knanaya Community is the so-called Knaithomman Chepped or
Knaithomman Copper plates. It is supposed to be the Copper Plates which was
granted to Thomas of Knai -Thomas of Cana as he is popularly known in English-
by Ceraman Perumal the king (Kollaparambil, 1986,11). It was granted in 345 AD
and seventy-two privileges were engraved on it. But we do not have it today. We
do not know where it exists today or how it is lost. Certain Europeans in the
16th cent have written that it was in the Cochin fortress and later taken to
Europe. E.g. Dionisio, Gouvea, Francis Ros etc. (Polackal, 1976, 12). If we were
able to decipher it, it would have brought much light on the history of the
Knanites.
Even though the original is lost, we are blessed with having a Portuguese
translation of it (Francis Ros in 1604, Kollaparambil, 1986,14). Francis Ros
gives the content of the Chepped in his Report about the St. Thomas Christians.
This document is extent in British Museum Library (Kollaparambil, 1986, 13-18).
1:3: TRADITION
The Indians usually transmitted their history through oral tradition. They did
in the forms of legends or in poetic forms and lived through social customs. In
this regard the Knanaites are blessed abundantly. They have got a much lengthy
and strong tradition about their history and existence.
1:3.1: ANCIENT SONGS
One of the main sources of history is the traditions of the Community handed
down by word of mouth from generation to generation and lived through social
customs and ancient songs sung at weddings and other celebrations
(Kollaparambil, 1986, Ancient Songs, V). These songs are very ancient since the
early Europeans such as Amdor Correia SJ, Dionisio SJ, Gouvea etc., testifies to
this (Choondal 1986, 7). We may be able to distinguish these songs at least into
five categories, namely, Penpattukal (songs of the females), Anpattukal (Songs
of the Males), Pallippattukal (Songs about the Churches), Vattakkalippattukal
and Vanchippattukal, Margamkalippattukal and Pananppattukal also are included in
it. Certain ancient songs are very important since they contain historical
references. Nallororoslem, Munnam Malankara, Innu Nee Njangle, Panan Pattukal
(Lukas, 1996, 5,6,7,21,7), etc., are historically important as the community is
concerned.
Though of a later origin, Pallippattukal also serves a good deal. Making a song
just after the construction of a church was a custom prevailed here. The whole
details of the construction will be described in that song. These songs which
were transferred orally were later written down on palm leaves. Almost all these
songs have been collected and published by Mr. PU Lukas in 1910 with the help of
Rev Fr. Mathew Vattakalathil. Mr. Lukas collected these songs basing on palm
leaves, which were written at least 200 years before (Lukas, 1996, XIII). The
content of those historical songs is very much in line with tradition.
1.3.2: ORAL TRADITION
According to the tradition, St. Thomas, one of the twelve Apostles of Jesus came
to India in AD 52, preached Gospel and converted many Jews and Hindus to
Christianity. Later he was martyred at Mylapore in AD 72 (Koodappuzha, 1998,
57-116). After the death of St. Thomas, by the fourth century, the church of the
descendants of people converted by the apostle was much weakened for want of
ecclesiastical ministers and due to persecutions from without and dissension
from within (Cathanar 1989, 469). In the song “Innu Nee Njangale”. (Lukas,
1996,8). It means, “to enlighten the (weakened) faith of the descendants of St.
Thomas.” There were only 64 families and one deacon. There was no bishop or any
priest (Cathanar, (tr.) by Kollaparambil,1986,II). Such a situation occurred
because of the decisions of the council of Nicea in 325 AD (Karukapparambil,
1997,8).
According to its 6th canon, only a higher authority could appoint and consecrate
a lesser one. Thus only a Metropolitan could consecrate a bishop. But the church
of St. Thomas was not a Metropolitan Church: and hence there was no Metropolitan
to consecrate bishops and thereby priests or ministers. Thus there was the
shortage of ministers. When this sad plight of the Indian Christians was made
known to the Catholicos of the East by certain merchants the church of the East
organized an immigration of their own Christians to India in order to help,
strengthen and re-invigorate the weakened St. Thomas Christians of India.
The leaders of this immigration of their own Christians to India in order to
help strengthen and re-invigorate the weakened St. Thomas Christians of India.
The leader of this immigration was Thomas of Kinai (Vellian and Vembeni, 1991,
18). They include about 400 persons of seventy-two families of seven clans. A
bishop named Mar Joseph, four priests and a few deacons also were with them.
They reached Cranganore (now known as Kodungalloor) in 345 AD. The Knanites or
Thekkumbhagar had their origin from this colony of Jewish Christians.
These colonists were welcomed with great interest by the then king Cheraman
Perumal, and he gave them land without tax, seventy two privileges by which they
were considered as high graded people. They were called Rajamakkal (sons of
kings), since they were of the lineage of David, the King (Vellian and Vembeni,
1991, 18). Knaithomman himself was called Co-cherakon Knaithomman which means
the minister of Cheraman Perumal (Karukapparambil, 1997, 10).
Perumal wrote down these privileges on a copper plate and handed it down to
Knaithomman. According to it, these privileges were given to Thomas and his
colleagues and all of his descendents as long as the sun and moon exist. These
privileges are very important since all these privileges had influenced the
community’s social life as well as the social status in the past years.
Knanites were basically merchants. For commercial purposes, many shifted their
residences to Diamper, Kaduthuruthy, Chunkom, Kottayam, Kallissery etc. All
these places are accessible through rivers. Later when they were attacked by the
Muslims in the 16th cent, they left Kodungalloor (Kollaparambil, 1986,2)
completely and inhabited the place where their brothers settled long before.
During the Coonan Cross Tragedy in 1653 some of the Knanites also took part in
it and thereby there happened a division among the Knanites. Later this group
adopted Jacobite faith while the others continued the Catholic faith. Together
with the St. Thomas Christians, the Knanaya Catholics fought to end up the
foreign rule and in 1887 two vicariates were erected exclusively for the Syrian
Christians, namely of Kottayam and Trichur (Perumalil, 1983, XVI).
The whole Knanites were included in the Kottayam Vicariate (Mackil, 1997,9).
Later in 1896, these two Vicariates were re-arranged into Trichur, Ernakulam,
and Changanassery and native bishops were appointed. Menachery, Pazheparambil,
Mackil were the Vicars Apostolic respectively, In 1911, a new Diocese, Kottayam,
was erected exclusively for the Southists. Mar Mackil, the then Vicar Apostolic
of Changanassery, was shifted to Kottayam. Meantime in 1910, the Knanaya
Jacobites got a separate bishopric, which was called Chingavanam Knanaya
Bhadrasanam and their own bishop. At present, there are more than 75,000
faithful in that diocese and 1.3 lakhs in the Kottayam Diocese (Directory of the
Eparchy of Kottayam-1999). So the total number of the Knanaya Community is more
than 2 lakhs.
1.4: MODERN EUROPEAN WRITERS
We find many valuable records of their history in the writings of Europeans. The
term “modern” is used in the subtitle in order to separate the ancient period
before the 16th century. These records are very valuable because the authors
have made use of the tradition which was prevalent at that time and the “olas”
(palm leaves) on which lie their history (Dionisio, in 1578, (133) quoted by
Kollaparambil, 1986, 6). Since these reports were made some four or five
centuries before, they deserve special mention. Though there are many writings,
I produce only three.
1.4.1: Mar Abuna, a Chaldean bishop, after narrating the
ministry and martyrdom of St. Thomas, the Apostle, writes the following, “A
Christian merchant came on a pilgrimage from the land of Canane to this city of
Mailapur. He then went to Cranganore and bought from the king of that country a
piece of land and built on it the church which is still standing. He was called
Thomas Canane.” (Abuna in 1533 quoted by Kollaparambil, 1986, 3).
1.4.2: Fr. Francis Dionisio S.J., the Rector of the Jesuit
College at Cochin sent a report to his general on “the Christians of St. Thomas”
on January 4, 1578.” After that came a Christian by name Quinai Thoma, native of
Babylon, a merchant who disembarked at Cranganore and began negotiating his
merchandise. Being rich and known in the country he became a friend of the king
of Cranganore who gave him a plot of land of 500 square yards to build a Church,
in honor of St. Thomas, which is the one the Portuguese now have.” (Dionisio in
1578 (136), quoted by Kollaparambil, 1986, 7).
1.4.3: Fr. Antonio de Gouvea was the secretary to Archbishop
Aleixo de Menezes in his visit to Kerala in 1599. He narrates the arrival of
Thomas Cana, the granting of privileges recorded on copper plates, the story of
the legitimate and illegitimate children of Thomas Cana and the Southist?
Northist distinction among the St. Thomas Christians. This description is found
in his famous “Jornado do Arcebispo de Goa Dom Frey Aleyxo de Manezes” in 1603
(Kollaparambil, 1986,11).
1.5: NATIVE WRITINGS
We have no clear evidences about the native records, except that of certain
mentions about palm leaf records in the writings of Bp. Ros and so on. It is
already mentioned that our ancestors did not pay much attention on preserving
written records. Moreover, most of the records were written on palm leaves,
which might have perished in the course of time.
1.5.1: The earliest extant native written record is found in a
short history of the Malabar Church written in Syriac about the year 1720 by
Vettikkuttel Mathai Kathanar, a Jacobite priest. It is preserved in the Leyden
Academy library. It narrates how the church of Malabar was originated by St.
Thomas. Then it deals with the sad plight of the faithful. “After the death of
the Apostle, the Malabar Church was left without a preacher and teacher. After
93 years there were no priests at all.” (Mathiakkathanar in 1720, reproduced by
Kollaparambil, 1986, 1). He then narrates the reason for the arrival of Thomas
of Jerusalem and his reception by the king. This is in line with the aforesaid
tradition.
1.5.2: Another important source is Varthamanapusthakam written
by Paremmakkal Thomakkathanar. A short history of the Malabar Church is given at
the second part of the book. It might have been written before 1760. There it is
written, “By the grace of god, a Christian merchant called Knaithomman from
Syria came, when the Christians of Malabar were like sheep without shepherd? (Cathanar,
1989, 469). He then goes an almost as same as the tradition.
1.6: ANALYSIS OF THE HISTORY AND TRADITION
We have seen certain of the historical facts from the angles of tradition and
written records. But all of them are not without refutations. Hence we shall
have a brief analysis of some of these concepts.
1.6.1: THE PLACE OF IMMIGRATION
From the written records and tradition, we get many place names associated with
their immigration such as Kinai, Cana, Edessa, Jerusalem, Uraha, Ezra etc.
Kinai, Knai, Kinan, Knan, and Cana are used as the surname of the lay leaders.
The Surname Cana is of a later origin and is diffused among the European writers
from the 17th cent and the Malayalam tradition calls Thomas either as Thomman
Kinan or as Kinai Thomman (Kollaparambil, 1992, 7). The existence of a city
called Kinai in Southern Mesopotamia in the past is asserted (Kollaparambil,
1992, 21). But this town does not exist today.
Edessa, Uraha and Jerusalem are attributed to the bishop Joseph. Uraha might
have been the seat of Joseph who had gone to a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Since
the second half of the 19th century some historians began identifying the term
Uraha - which forms part of the name of the aforesaid bishop - with the famous
Christian centre of Urahai (the letter “I” at the end of the word is to be
noted) called also Edessa in the Upper Mesopotamian region (Kollaparambil, 1992,
37). This may be the reason why we see the seat of Mar Joseph as Edessa in the
works like “The Syrian colonization of Malabar” by Mr. Joseph Chazhikkattu and
in “Bharathasabacharithram” of Fr. Xavier Koodappuzha.
There is a doctoral study conducted by Dr. Jacob Kollaparambil, who situate the
seat of Mar Joseph somewhere in Southern Mesopotamia, a place in between the
Rivers of Euphrates and Tigris. It is far away from Edessa. He surmises the
place mentioned as Uraha might be Uruk an ancient Mesopotamian seat which was
later depopulated due to Geographical down fall (Kollaparambil, 1992, Ch. 3) In
the song Nallororoslem of the 6th edition of the Purathanappattukal we read
“..he got permission arriving at Uraha” (P.5). However, the prior editions
differ from it. They read “he got blessing arriving at Esra..” The extant Cudjan
(Palm leaf) Manuscripts also testify to this reading. What does it mean?
“Pookuka” in Malayalam does not denote a deliberate action; instead, it means an
accidental one. Getting permission is a deliberate action whereas receiving
blessing (?) is not a necessary action. So they may not have gone to Edesa which
is far off from, instead, might have entered at the tomb of Esra which was
situated on their way to Malabar and have got blessing.
They might have a special interest on the prophet Ezra, since he insisted on
genetic purity (Lukas, 1996, XVII). From all these surmises we conclude that the
colonists started their expedition from southern Mesopotamia which covers an
area of not more than 250 km. diameter (Lukas 1996, XL) and which includes those
places mentioned in the ancient songs such as Kinai, Uraha (Uric) Ezra, Uz, etc.
1.6.2: THE SURNAME OF THE LAY LEADER
In the Malabar tradition, the surname of Thomas, the leader of the fourth
century immigration into Cranganore is found in three slightly different forms,
namely, Kinai, Knai (Knay) and Kinan (Kollaparambil, 1992, 2). We see these
names in the songs Muvaroruvante Kalpanayale line 14, (p.9) (Kinai), Song of the
Kaipuzha church, strophe-6, line-21 (Knai), (p.95), and second line of the
Pananppattukal (Knai) (P.217), and Ottuthirichavar Kappal Keri line 17 (Kinan)
(P.6).
In the writings of many Europeans, we see the surname as Cana while some just
wrote the name as it is got from tradition and many others wrote it in various
ways. E.g. Cana, Canane, Cananeo, Quinai, Chinay, Canai, Knaye, etc. However the
popular surname in English continues to be Cana, though, it does not go in
accordance with the tradition.
According to Kollaparambil, there was a flourishing town called Kinai in Bet
Aramaye about 75 km. to the south East of Baghdad on the left bank of Tigris, 2
km. from the river and in the neighborhood of the present town A1- Aziziyah
(Kollaparambil, 1992,21). This might have been the hometown of Thomas, the lay
leader of the fourth century immigration.
1.6.3: THE ATTENDANTS OF IMMIGRATION
Almost all the tradition as well as history is unanimous in ascertaining that
the immigration was consisting of 400 people of 72 families of seven sects or
clans. (Munnam Malankara, Lukas, 1996,6), (Innu Nee Njangale, Lukas,
1996,7). These include a bishop, namely Uraha Mar Joseph, four priests, many
deacons and the lay leader Knai Thomman. (Nallororoslem, Lukas, 1996, 6).
The names of the seven sects are Baji, Hadai, Koja, Belkouth, Kujalick, Majamoth,
and Thejamoth(Perumalil, 1983, XII). However there are writers who have recorded
that there were 472 families among the immigrants (Cathanar, 1989, 409).
1.6.4: THE TIME OF IMMIGRATION
With regard to the time of the arrival of the community, there is a widespread
discussion and differences of opinion. The local tradition puts it in the year
345 AD. In the songs of several churches such as the Kottayam Valiyapalli
(Strophe 4 line 13), the Kottayam Cheriyapally (Strophe 6, line 2), the Kottayam
Edakkattu Church (Strophe 6, line 21), etc., hold this tradition. However these
songs are of later origin and hence lack originality. But in the immigration
song “Muvaroruvante ‘ (line 13) the year of immigration is recorded in Malayalam
Alphabetical Chronogram by the word sovala, which means AD 345. (Lukas, 1996,8).
However there are authors who place the time somewhere in the 8th or 9th
century. Dionisio puts it in AD. 825 (Kollaparambil, 1986, 6), Diago de couto in
AD 811 (P.22). Burnell in 774 AD (Kollaparambil, 1992, 98). But according to
many historians, the traditional date is found to be highly probable.
But there may arise a problem. According to Dameo de goes the Knaithomman
Chepped was written in three languages, namely, Chaldean, Malabar and Arabic. If
this Statement is true and if Knaithomman Chepped was given to Knaithomman
himself, this arrival must have been only after 6th century. This is because
Muslims, whose language was Arabic, came to India only from the 7th century.
However we cannot make a conclusive judgment over this, unless we get the
original text and verify it.
1.6.5: VARIOUS NAMES OF THE GROUP
These colonists were known in different names such as Thekkumbhagar, which is
the most ancient, Syrian Christians, Ancharappallikkar, Knanites and
Charamkettikal.
1.6.5.1: Thekkumbhagar (Southists)
Knanites were known as Thekkumbhagar in the ancient times. The tradition behind
such a name is that when they came to Cranganore they settled in the Southern
part of the city. Thus they distinguished themselves from the St. Thomas
Christians who had their dwellings in the northern side of the city. Hence these
two groups got the names Southists (?) and Northists (...) (Fuller, 1998, 199).
Mr. Joseph Chazhikkattu brings before us a new hypothesis refuting the
traditional one (1961, 5-33). The Knanites trace their origin to Jews in the
lineage of Judah. There was a division among the Jews into Southern and Northern
kingdoms after the death of Solomon. The tribe of Judah was in the Southern
Kingdom. Later the Northern Kingdom was destroyed and the people entered into
mixed marriage and were later known as Samaritans. The Knanities are from the
lineage of Judah and hence they were called Southists from their very homeland
itself. The term “suddisticas” (southerners or southists) is used in the papal
Bull erecting the Diocese of Kottayam to denote this group. (Chettiyath (tr.),
1997, 1).
1.6.5.2: Syrian Christians
Thekkumbhagar were Christians and they had brought with them their liturgy. They
were speaking Syriac and their liturgy was in the language Syriac (Vellian and
Vembani, 1991,22). Moreover, they came from a land which was popularly known as
Syria. Because of all these factors they got the name Syrian Christians.
1.6.5.3: Ancharappallikkar
They were also known as Ancharappallikkar because they had five churches of
their own, namely Diamper, Kaduthuruthy, Kottayam, Chunkom and Kallissery. They
had half privilege in all other churches also. Thus they were called
Ancharappallikkar (owners of five and a half churches).
1.6.5.4: Knanites
The term Knanites is of a later origin say in the 19th century. It had its
origin in the Jacobite Southist Community. However, this term has got much
popularity and today it functions as the most common term to denote the
community. It had its origin from the surname of its leader Knaithomman (Knan,
Kinan, etc) (Jose, 1983, 3).
1.6.5.5: Charamkettikal?
This term was used as a word to ridicule the community by the others.
Etymologically this term means, ?keeping ashes lied with them.” But in fact, it
is a story of inspiration for the Knanites. While the city of Cranganore was
burned in 1524 by the Muslims, the Knanites had to face from the place (Melandassery,
was burned in 1524 by the Muslims the Knanites had to flee from the place (Melandassery,
1997,27). Before leaving the place they took a little bit of ash of the burned
city and kept with them. This shows their affection to the land where their
ancestors lay buried. It is interesting to note Hindus have a special attachment
to ashes of their dead ones.
1.6.6: THE GOAL OF IMMIGRATION
According to the tradition, they organized this as a missionary expedition. Many
writers testify to this. The fact that the group included a bishop, four priests
and some deacons points to this fact (Nallororoslem, Lukas, 1996, 5). The
continuation of bishops from Syria by the Knanites efforts is an added proof for
it (Polackal, 1976, 14). The members preached Gospel mainly through their life.
The second purpose of their arrival was said to be commercial. Knai Thomman
himself was a great merchant who had his own warehouses and other establishments
in one of the harbor towns of Bet Huzaye (Kollaparambil, 1991, 36). The Perumal
received him with great honor and granted 72 privileges. This might have to
safeguard the commercial interests of his country.
A further reason is said to be the persecution in the Persian Empire in the
fourth century especially under the king Sapor II. This may also have prompted
them to leave their native land. But the argument that this is the only reason
of their immigration is untenable. If one has to leave one’s patronage and
native land due to persecutions, that persecution should be much bitter. But in
such a very difficult situation it is more likely impossible to have such an
organized fleet to a far off land with a bishop, four priests and deacons. Will
anyone give a warm welcome with honors and properties to such a group running
for their life? Moreover with all possibility they would have gone to the Roman
Empire where Christianity has already become the official religion of the State
by the Edict of Milan in 313 AD. It is improbable that oppressed people move
towards a place where they have no security at all. We have already seen that at
the time of their arrival the condition of the St. Thomas Christians was very
pathetic (Cathanar, 1989, 469).
Furthermore, certain of those who stick on to this theory of persecution place
the arrival of Thomas of Cana to the 8th or 9th centuries. Due to the
persecution of Sapor II, a fourth century Emperor there took place immigration
to Kerala in the 8th or 9th century!! It itself shows that such a theory is an
artificial one to safeguard their vested interest. If at all we admit this
theory of persecution for argument's sake, it will not do any harm to the
existence of the community. Instead, it will be an added feather on their hat if
they opted to run away rather to give up their faith in Jesus Christ.
1.7: CONCLUSION
The Southists among St. Thomas Christians of Malabar trace their origin to the
tribe of Judah of Israel. Their history starts particularly from the fourth
century when they arrived at Cranganore in 345 AD, under the leadership of Knai
Thomman. All these are mere surmises chiefly got from the tradition alone. Very
few written records are with us, which also do not help us to reach to a
conclusive conclusion. At any rate, we are quiet sure of their existence as a
separate ethnic community at least from the 15th century. Several European as
well as native writers testify to this fact. Hence even if we forget the whole
past, at least from the 15th century they have their own independent existence
which we have to admit and admire.
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